Early in 1961, Cardinal Fernando Cento of the Vatican Administrative Staff, addressed 15,000 workers, assembled in Rome, for a Congress of the International Federation of Christian Workers' Movements.(1) Listeners were warned that workers' movements develop under guidance of the church or atheistic dictators. Hence, he challenged the workers to be,
. . . apostles in your social environment . . . to rebuild . . . a new world where not force but right reigns, not exploitation of one another but justice, not class tyranny but cooperation, and lastly, not hatred but love.
Another speaker at the Congress was Cardinal Gregorio Pietro XV Agagianian, Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of the Faith. Recalling the church's enthusiasm for drawing practical consequences from work as a moral quality and from the dignity of humanity, Agagianian was quite confident.
There is no political, technical, economic, or social situation, either at the national or international level, which cannot be enlighted and solved fruitfully by the teaching of the church.
The many expressions of progress and civilization are human activities and therefore involve moral considerations and demand moral and guiding principles. It is precisely in the name of supreme moral principles that religion and the church intervene in the problems of the times.
On July 27, 1961 the English-speaking section of the Canadian Social Week met in Halifax.(2) On behalf of Pope John XXIII, a letter came from Cardinal Amleto Cicognani, the Vatican Secretary of State. He repeated several of the themes of Mater et Magistra. Also, discussed were problems related to worker dislocation due to automation. Such repercussions bore on the means of production and therefore affected the relationships between workers and management. Before offering some criteria to assist both parties' adjustments, Cicognani laid down a basic principle,
. . . indexes of productivity and production cannot be taken as supreme criteria in the organization of productive processes; such indexes must be pursued according to requirements of the moral order, safeguarding the human dignity of all engaged in production.
Cicognani's first criterion was that working conditions must safeguard physical health and moral integrity. In addition to provisions for hygiene and prevention of occupational diseases and accidents, there must be reasonable working hours and employment of only mature youth. Succinctly, nothing must compromise human development, good morals, or religious feeling.
Cicognani's second criterion was that pay cannot be left to the laws of the marketplace or any arbitrary arrangements. Repeated were principles of justice and equity stated by Pius XI in Quadragesimo Anno and John XXIII in Mater et Magistra. Among these, Cicognani singled out one as most desirable.
. . . see to it that the workers, in the manner and to a degree most convenient, be able to participate in the ownership of the enterprise itself.
Cicognani's third criterion was that an ambience of serenity and security must be established for workers through systems of social insurance or social security. Such would provide protection in events that impair their working ability (accidents, illness, old age); increase responsibilities (marriage and parenthood); or force them into involuntary idleness (unemployment).
Cicognani's fourth criterion was that there must be social services provided by the employer to contribute to healthy labor-management relations. Such services, however, must be competent, humane and free from pressure.
Cicognani's fifth criterion was that job assignments must be in accord with ability, zeal and merits. Promotions and pay increases must be in keeping with just and equitable standards.
Cicognani's sixth criterion was that workers must be spurred to participate actively in the enterprise. The manner and degree of such must be determined with attention to the necessity for unity, efficiency, and continuity in an enterprise. Quotations from Pius XII John XXIII were given in support of private and public enterprises becoming "a community of persons in the dealings, activities and standing of all its members."
Cicognani's seventh criterion was that implementation of automation be achieved in such a manner that immediate negative effects are not borne solely by individual or groups of workers. Such effects should,
. . . weigh equally, or even more heavily, upon the investors of capital and, when opportune, even upon all the members of the political community, for all, in the final analysis, benefit by such changes in automation. These can the more surely be obtained when the workers, through their unions and organizations, are present and have a voice in the implementation of processes of automation.
In the conclusion of his letter, Cicognani indicated that successful application of these criteria to the automation process would depend greatly on the extent to which workers are professionally trained and socially educated. Much can be achieved by educational institutions. Workers must use free time wisely and
. . . appropriate institutions promoted by common accord between workers and their organizations on the one hand, and management on the other, also can contribute validly and usefully.
In early 1964, Cicognani wrote, on behalf of Paul VI, to a Spanish Social Week, whose theme was, "Socialization and Liberty."(3) He defined socialization, noted its prevalence, and issued some warnings. Socialization was said to be,
. . . the progressive multiplication of relations of coexistence, with consequent shaping of many modes of life and social activity which are recognized for the most part in public and private law.
Whether in use of free time, search for security, educational endeavors, or serene old age, people are surrounded and integrated by social relations and social groups created for these purposes. The persons of industrialized and developing society hope that will assist in organizing their life conditions and eliminating oppressive preoccupations and sense of insecurity.
There are dangers in socialization, also. Lack of balance or relinquishment to "exclusive state power or deformed ideologies" would be some. Such would be so; for, they lessen such human values as a sense of responsibility in family, professional, and civil activities. Indeed, under such circumstances, there would be a sapping of initiative, "which creates individual personalities and therefore liberty itself." Furthermore, one must discard ideas of abandoning public affairs to any groups or persons "who have the ambition to direct them," lest one become a mere instrument of anonymous forces and irresponsible agents.
Cicognani in early 1964 also wrote to the French Social Week in Lyons, whose theme was "Labor and Workers in Contemporary Society."(4) He had two aims: the elimination of class warfare and prevention of subtle slavery to materialistic values, which would diminish freedom and spiritual vision. Associations of workers were warned about becoming "pressure groups" and urged to collaborate with management for a national and international common good. Hence, workers should participate in economic planning, unions should have a role in management, and both have rights beyond merely full share in income derived from their productive efforts.
Giacomo Cardinal Lercaro, early 1961 at the Gregorian University in Rome, gave an address entitled, "To Christianize Labor."(5) Before presenting Christian notions of labor, Lercaro discussed secular "devaluations" of work. The first was 19th century liberalism which, in divorcing morality from economics, views work "only as a piece of merchandise."
The capitalist sees it solely as a means of enrichment; the employee solely as his means of survival, his way of obtaining his daily bread. Such a dehumanization of labor creates a state of slavery . . . a modern slavery, without chains or lashes, but . . . no less destructive.
A second secular devaluation of labor was the modern technocratic view. Here, only one thing matters, maximum production. Thought of the worker's person or human needs are subordinated to the business organization. Whether one begins at "economics without morality' or "the primacy of technology," both are expressions of a fundamentally materialistic mentality.
A third secular devaluation of labor was the Communist, Marxist, Socialist view. Labor is the human's vocation and dignity is labor. There is "divinization of labor." Since human community is constituted only in material well-being, higher human values, including liberty, are subordinated and, if need be, sacrificed to the needs of more rational production. Hence,
According to the Marxist theory, labor . . . is the only valid element for building a new society, which is organized and ordered by rigid leveling. There is no possibility of choice for the laborer. Laborers are valued, not as human, but only in terms of how much they produce. There arises a phenomenon of "Stakhanovism"--uncontrolled and unlimited increase of production by laborers, beyond the norm already set high, without concern for the damaging effects to the laborer or antisocial disequilibrium that rises from this.
With materialism as a fundamental principle of Socialism, Marxism, and Communism (pushed further and more dehumanizing), there is a convergence with the capitalist and technocratic view.
A fourth secular devaluation of labor may arise from the current "human relations" approach. Dangers are failures to develop sincere understandings of what it means to be human. Hence, "human relations" may be "only a more skillful system to increase productivity, sort of refined oil to lubricate the whole machinery."
By exposing "secular devaluations" and dismissing with Pius XII "the most anti-human and antisocial tactic" of making work hateful, Cicognani cited the challenge of a Christian conscience "to overcome all ideas that tend to brutalize labor and to alleviate as much as possible the need for work which is too monotomous or too uninteresting." The challenge was wrapped in a Christian concept of labor.
Cicognani initiated this conception of labor with humans as God's creatures--directed to the happiness, knowledge, praise and service of God and ordained to subdue and to subject all other creatures. Hence,
. . . far from debasing man, work elevates, frees, and gives all his activities intrinsic dignity. The fact that man is elevated to the supernatural life of grace does not destroy, but elevates, this profound natural reality.
Within this initial framework, Cicognani highlighted several key elements.
A first key element of the Christian teaching on labor is that labor is a human activity, not the vocation nor dignity of humans, not a merchandise or idol demanding worship, and not even primarily production. Labor is a human means of perfecting God-given capacities and energies. Human beings are so structured, by nature, that without labor there can be no development or perfection. Human intelligence, will, and physical power find fullness in the conquest of creation. "Man was to achieve the joy of discovering more and more clearly the imprint of God on things and the image of God in himself."
This precept was given in the Garden of Eden and did not cease with original sin, even though labor now took on a painful note and other creatures became hostile to humans and their work. "Though tiring and often arduous and monotonous, work still has its happy task of perfecting man." Though artistic and cultural activities perfect humans more effectively than manual labor, it is not to be regarded lightly. For,
. . . even the farmer and shopworker can find enrichment in their work. This involves not only physical training, but mental growth too. Here the laborer learns about things, laws of nature--the marvelous laws that rule reality.
A second key element of Christian teaching is labor as developing God's creation and perfecting matter involved in the service of humans and their needs. By citing incidents from sacred scripture, such as shepherding, agriculture, city-building, crafts work, and artistic accomplishments, Cicognani asserts that God's goodness appears even greater in the very profusion of creation,
. . . which man investigates, discovers, and makes useful by his own work. Labor is cooperation with the Creator. By it, God's work comes into closely and more profitable contact with man, new levels of reality are discovered (new continents and new space), new energies (heat, electricity, nuclear energy), and new means are found to make such energies useful to man and subject to his service.
Yet, there is no implication in this teaching of human work "making something out of nothing." On the other hand, human labor, Cicognani continued, ". . . does make evident realities, which were equivalently nonexistent for man before the intervention of human work." Indeed, he quotes another author that labor is essential to the cosmos, "if it were lacking, the whole universe would in some way lose its meaning."
A third key element of Christian teaching is that labor is a service to ones' neighbors. Hence, it fulfills the Lord's commandment, explains condemnations of those who say manual labor is incompatible with the life of perfection, and realizes conditions for leading a truly human life. For,
. . . how much each of us owes others is one's inheritance of knowledge, conveniences, goods by which we live, clothes we wear, house we live in, train we travel in, and the like. Everything around us is a gift, a service of others done for us. Each of us can given some service and each of us has the right and duty to do so.
A fourth key element in Christian teaching is labor as part of the plan of redemption. Labor is a mark of the suffering character of sacrifice. Original sin and loss of grace resulted in disruption of the harmony in human faculties and of the spontaneous submission of the rest of creation to human control. Thus, labor, as the transformation of things, became a duty of sacrifice and sorrow--"in the sweat or one's brow."
From the day of man's fall, the earth ceased revealing its secrets to him. The obstacle is aggravated by every personal sin. Each act of rebellion repeats Adam's and increases the disorder brought about by his sin. So, labor normally has a note of expiation in the fatigue accompanying it. Yet, when understood and accepted, it can be linked with the sacrifice of Christ.
Just as Christ's redemption was achieved by his cross and offering of blood, so the redemption of the subhuman world will be done in suffering.
Furthermore, this sacrificial suffering implies a praise of God. For, it is developmental completion of God's creation and use of God's gifts. God's glory is revealed when humans make his gifts an object of wonder. God's wisdom and goodness are revealed when humans use creation's resources in service of the human community. Also, in restoring the primeval order paradise will not be brought back to earth. Yet, distress disorder will be lessened and human suffering and sorrow will be tempered.
Thus, balance must be maintained between labor as joyous expansiveness of humanity and happy conquest of nature's treasures and as painful sacrifice in subordination of subhuman reality. Joy comes from nature and the Creator's work. Pain comes from sin and its consequences. To stress one or other exclusively is to lapse into error.
The classical world saw labor solely as suffering and deemed it unworthy of the free man. Work remained in a lower order, at the service of the wise man, according to Plato, Aristotle and other ancient philosophers. The Marxist world treats labor solely as exercise of sovereignty and makes it the unique vocation and glory of humanity. The Christian world, following the son of a carpenter, invokes the principle of labor endowed with the dignity and joy of cooperation in the creation, despite the pain and sacrifice of the expiation in the redemption.
In 1966, in New York City, Paul Cardinal Marella, president, Vatican Secretariat for Relations with Non-Christians, addressed the 50th anniversary convocation of the National Industrial Conference Board.(6) He encouraged his listeners to publicize information about the distribution of their earnings between workers and shareholders. Such was deemed of great importance to religious and moral agents "in their work of religious social education."
The political necessity and social justice significance of subsidiarity of the state to private industry was stressed. Marella indicated Vatican documents underscored building up of the international community through private individuals and groups, as their responsibility for the common good in overcoming hunger, illness, and ignorance. He presented ten postulates for an "economic-social order in freedom" to encourage pluralism and creativity. From
John XXIII and Paul VI and Vatican II's Church in the Modern World come five general and five specific postulates.
(1) human brotherhood (2) updating of religion in times of technological and scientific revolution (3) increased social responsibility (4) autonomy of lay persons in earthly affairs (5) religious depth of freedom of conscience.
(1) human person as beneficiary of economics (2) a pluralistic responsibility in economic-social planning (3) a creative economic primacy of private enterprise (4) political necessity of subsidiarity of a state to private initiatives of individuals and groups (5) an ultimate option in social life--for God or against God.
On July 12, 1960 Domenico Cardinal Tardini, Vatican Secretary of State, addressed a letter to a Social Week in Grenoble, France.(7) Compliments were paid to its president, Alain Barrere. He continued the tradition of his predecessor, Charles Florey, who was commended by John XXIII for "courageous sagacity" for the theme of a 1937 Social Week, "Human Person in Danger," and the theme of a 1945 Social Week, "Social Transformations and Liberation of the Individual." In light of the 1960 theme, "Socialization and the Human Person," Tardini said, the concern for safeguarding and building social structures based on the dignity and welfare of human persons resonated with the 1959 Christmas address of John XXIII.
. . . troubles which are shaking the inner peace of nations have their primary origin in people being treated almost exclusively like instruments, like articles of merchandise, like poor gears in great machines, like simple units of production. Only when personal dignity of people is taken as a basis for appreciating them and their activity will social conflicts be allayed, as well as divergencies, often deeply rooted, as between employers and workers.
Important challenges were noted in 1937 and 1945. Yet, changes in 1960 were said to be more than political and economic. There was a wider and deeper socialization, "a whole network of customs, ways of life, voluntary or legal institutions [which] envelop, sustain and guide the individual." Besides developing a sense of cooperation and solidarity, "socialization permits satisfaction of social needs of first importance." Examples would be needs for: housing, medical care, social security, education, work and leisure.
However, socialization may have drawbacks. Enormous bureaucracy, excessive legal regulation, and dehumanizing methods restrict one's opportunities for thinking independently, exhibiting initiative, exercising responsibility, and enriching one's personality. Yet, one may not argue socialization is not controllable or so intensive or extensive that people may be reduced to "the role of automatons." For, socialization is a product neither of nature nor determinism, but of conscious and free human persons. Thus, people should profit from the advantages of socialization and offset the serious threats of excessive and disorderly socialization.
For Tardini, a guiding principle was Quadragesimo Anno's subsidiarity. "The natural objective of any intervention in social matters is to assist the members of the social body, not to destroy or absorb them." He then directed attention to "intermediate bodies." From Leo XIII to Pius XII, came continual papal encouragement of such free and voluntary, well ordered and oriented associations. They liberate new individual and collective capabilities by assuming "tasks too weighty or complex for individual or family to handle alone.
. . . this is to be done on condition that each of these institutions remains within its own sphere of competence, it be offered to, not imposed upon, the free choice of mankind. They should not view themselves, under any circumstance, as ends but should make their members instruments of the bodies' activities.
Warnings against "all forms of usurped collective domination" apply to domains of thought as well. Caution was given about "psychological action"--written, auditory, and visual communication intended to impose ready-made judgments upon crowds, reduced to "masses," as developed in Pius XII's 1944 Christmas message. All intermediate bodies should be so evaluated. However, trade unions were reminded of a warning of Pius XII.
If a union through political and economic development were one day to claim a kind of ownership or right by virtue of which it freely controlled the worker . . . the very idea of a union, to unite for mutual aid and defense, would be changed and destroyed thereby.
On March 11, 1961 the Seventh Argentine Social Week also received a letter from Cardinal Tardini.(8) The gathering was praised for studying rural and agrarian demographics, economics, property, welfare, and religiosity. The misfortune of too many farmers leaving the land and flowing into cities was decried. The lure of more permanent and less tiring work, the aspiration for greater and easier earnings, and the desire to enjoy the conveniences and diversions in large cities was quite understandable. However, stemming adequately this bleeding demands that farming people "become conscious of the dignity and social usefulness of their mission [and be] guaranteed suitable and decent living conditions."
Hence, farming people should be afforded as much opportunity to share in social advantages and services as other citizens. Farmers should derive incomes from their labors which make possible a standard of living proportionate to workers in the industrial and service sectors of the economy. So, modernization in agriculture should keep pace with that in other sectors. Governments should adopt economic policies of benefit to agriculture. Specifically, public authorities should investigate and legislate such areas as taxation, credit, social insurance, and prices.
Yet, the basic norms--personal dignity, just and equitable income coordination of agriculture with other sectors, and demands of the common good--summon all leaders to provide adequate technical and professional training, proper religious and moral education, and a strengthening of a sense of solidarity among the farmers. Indeed, whenever necessary or suitable,
. . . solidarity [should] be expressed in forms of association intended to promote modernization of agriculture and capable of having a positive influence on the market and making its own voice heard effectively in local administrations or in state organizations.
In concluding, Tardini urged the Argentine Social Week participants to pray with him for guidance, patience, and protection. His hopes for the week went beyond raising farmers' awareness of their dignity and standard of living. Above all, he prayed,
. . . may they consider their work more as a fulfillment of a duty than as a source of wealth . . . more as a service performed for one's neighbor, a collaboration in the creative activity of God, and the continuation of the labors of Jesus, Redeemer of mankind.
During the Canadian Social Week, in Three Rivers, from September 22 to 25, 1960, attention was given to Cardinal Tardini's letter, "Workers, Unions, and Freedom".(9) Participants were reminded that in 1921 and 1936 Canadian Social Weeks examined, respectively, debated trade unionism and professional organizations. In 1960, the Social Week discussed both, so that their complementarity is evident.
Trade unionism demands a professional organization in which it becomes integrated. In its turn, a professional organization cannot achieve its purpose fully without support of freely constituted unions in which different social categories are grouped according to their affinities and their individual interests.
Tardini began by analyzing the first component of his message. A fundamental point of church teaching for Tardini is "the principle of trade-union freedom." Intrusions by the arbitrary will of the state, as indicated by Leo XIII, in Rerum Novarum and Longinqua Oceani, have occurred frequently in history. Nevertheless, other types of threats to trade unions' freedom appear. First, some trade unions may become administrative agents of the government. Second, some trade unions, while enjoying abusive privileges, may hold a juridical monopoly, as indicated by Pius XI in Quadragesimo Anno. Third, increased power in trade unions, due to more frequent mergers and amalgamations, give more independence and more risks to freedom. That is, as indicated in Pius XII's statement on March 11, 1945 and December 24, 1952, trade unions may,
. . . exercise some patronage or right, which would empower them to dispose freely of workers, their strength and property [or] . . . be tempted to take advantage of strength derived from numbers, common to employers' and workers' trade unions, economic trusts and all collective forces constituted by different professional and social groups.
Anonymous collectivities, acting through intermediary and gigantic groups--monopolistically inclined, never fully respect workers' dignity or freedom.
Tardini complimented Canadian Catholic workers in choosing to establish unions among Catholics, aware no trade-union activity without a social doctrine can exist. They made the unions, not only organizations for the legitimate defense of workers' interests, but also "centers of doctrinal and moral education and information, where their chaplains have contributed greatly." Immigrants--enticed by industrial expansion, uprooted and quite vulnerable--received moral support in which different language and origin presented no obstacles.
Moreover, far from isolating themselves, Canadian Catholic worker-unions cherish the lawful ambition of bringing constructive contributions to the promotion of workers. Hence, they certainly would not refuse certain forms of collaboration with trade-union organizations which do not exclude themselves from this cooperation by professing doctrines subversive and negative to the Christian Faith (Cf. Decree of the Holy Office, July 1, 1949).
Tardini saw "many changes since the times of Leo XIII." True, Leo's Rerum Novarum assigned to associations of workers tasks of defending material interests and protecting religious and moral welfare of workers, ordinarily. However, Pius XII in a September 11, 1949 discourse praised the Belgian Christian Workers' Movement for organizing trade unions, "which strive to promote Christian order in the working world," cooperatives which contributed "to the security of the worker and the family," mutual insurance societies against accidents and illness, and institutions "for the formation and education of the workers." Furthermore, in the same discourse of Pius XII, an additional change was noted.
[Elsewhere] either legislation, certain practices of economic life, or the deplorable division of minds and hearts prevented the foundation of clearly Catholic trade unions. In these contingencies, the workers find themselves almost obliged to give their name to neutral trade unions where justice and equity are respected and where full freedom is left to the faithful to obey the voice of the Church.
Where such practical necessity arises, Tardini deemed it wise to recall a demand of Pius X (Singulari Quadam, September 24, 1912) repeated by Pius XI (Quadragesimo Anno). Be careful, ". . . there exists always along side these trade unions other associations which work to give serious religious and moral formation."
In addition to such changes and nuances, Tardini noted ideas constant for seventy years. A March 11, 1945 discourse expressed one of these ideas well.
Beyond the distinction between employer and employee, people must be able to discern and recognize the superior unity which binds together all who collaborate in production. In other words, their solidarity lies in providing, together and in a lasting way, for the common good and for the needs of the entire community.
Another "constant" was that all professional organizations are directed to not only "pacification of social relations" but even more importantly "construction of a harmonious order," in which each person would have a share of responsibilities and fair share of the fruits of the joint efforts. Here, there is not only,
. . . a question of fair distribution of salaries, nor . . . only a question of internal organization of professions for economic and social purposes, but it is far more a question of finding balance organizing collaboration, promoting initiatives, and entrusting responsibilities in professional bodies among themselves, within the state, and within the human community.
Another "constant" was cited from the January 24, 1946 discourse of Pius XII to representatives of employers' and workers' organizations of the Italian electric industry.
. . . neither a professional organization and trade union, nor mixed commissions, nor contracts, nor arbitration, nor regulations of a most attentive and advanced social legislation can establish a full and lasting harmony and produce all their fruit minus intervention of farsighted and constant action to communicate a spirit of moral and spiritual life to the constitution itself of economic relations.
Tardini summarized the "constants" with ideas of John XXIII's first encyclical, Ad Petri Cathedram. The rights and duties of employers must be more in harmony with those of the employees. Progress in morals must keep pace with progress in economics. Human and Christian dignity tolerates no less. In conclusion, "These perspectives will be realized in that day when the social teaching of the Catholic Church has been put into full practice."
From October 5 to 9, 1976 the Spanish church held its 30th Social Week.(10) Entitled "The Humanization of Social Structures" and written on behalf of Paul VI by Jean Cardinal Villot, a letter came calling for structures built,not on ideologies or pressure groups, but on responses to the human aspects in politics, economics and the world of work.
Christian social teaching was said to stress the primacy of persons as "foundation, cause and end of every social institution." Thus, the innate dignity of persons abhors instrumentalizing, manipulating, "reifing" people. The openness of Christian humanism to a transcendent God only increases human dignity and status.
Although "humanizing" includes persons, there is more. With reference to Pius XII's encyclical, Summi Pontificatus of October 20, 1939, Villot said,
Our concern is to establish a model for society which is characterized by participation of citizens in the social task and by the subordination of society to the service of the person. . . .
Unless their life in society possesses this kind of organic structure, people turn into the masses and the community as such breaks down. It can be said with some justice that cultural development and superior organization go together. No human society exists without a complete set of institutions and norms--in short, collective ways of acting--which channel the life of the individual.
With the principles laid out, Villot focused on economic institutions or "how financial resources of the state, business and taxpayers are to foster distributive justice and human development." To assist in humanizing society, two dangers must be avoided. A financial system must not become an end in itself and lose its reference to human needs; it must not become the servant of an ideology ("whether capitalist, Marxist or any other") and turn into a tool and be corrupted. Thus, very crucial is intervention of public authorities and democratic control of such intervention.
Only thus will society be protected against the oppressive influence, hidden or open--an influence . . . so common at local, national and international levels--which emanates from financial powers, the system of production and its mechanisms, and even the administration of the state.
Focusing more specifically on work, Villot noted the impossibility of isolating the personal dimension of human work from the social dimension. Thus, he explained modern formulations of Christian social doctrine "began in study of the situation of the working class and in proclamation of the workers' dignity." Hence, Vatican II's Church in the Modern World words,
. . . human labor, expended in production and exchange of goods or performance of economic services, is superior to other elements of economic life, for these have only the nature of tools.
Focusing, within the work world, on labor unions, Villot reminded the Social Week genuine and effective unions were the strongest tool workers have to attain great social goals: elimination of lockout, guaranteed wages, equitable wages, communal structures for business and integral development of the working class. He called for leaders rooted in people, responsible, impelled by a hunger for justice, and unburdened by hatred, who
. . . will have a sense of balance not easily attained and be able to harmonize claims of a social class with a profound attitude of brotherhood toward all; freedom indise and outside labor unions in effective solidarity with a large sector of workers; independence from the State, ideologies and pressure groups; strong and creative humanism showing a way, marked with sacrifice, to a new and more just society in which all are aware of and respond to each other as brothers.
Still focusing on economic institutions, Villot described social security as "comparable only to the modern state" in organizational complexity, budgetary outlays, and effects on people. These and other aspects raise profound ethical problems, begging for detailed study.
One problem is the scandal and contradiction of "a dehumanized social security system." Whether one speaks of people humanizing or dehumanizing a state, one is speaking of people who are shaped by a state.
Totalitarian systems or parties and soulless bureaucracies spring up from the excessive individualism of the few and the oppression or inertia of the many. Such causes trampling on so many basic rights of the human person.
The Spanish Social Week was challenged to pursue these and other aspects of human rights and responsibilities and to reject a moral neutrality inclined to set aside ethics and morals, norms of Christian teaching and the guidance of the Spanish hierarchy. Spain was called to justice and freedom, progress in economic and civil spheres, internal peace and international cooperation.