In late 1959, Toronto's Catholic Labor School celebrated its tenth anniversary.(1) One of the speakers on the occasion was its Auxiliary Bishop, who spoke of the menace of communism. Emphasizing that trade unions are special objects of communist attention, he challenged all to remove the social injustice upon which communism thrives. His remedy was more labor-management cooperation.
Some businessmen and industrialists seem to consider that communistic countries offer good opportunities for trade and anything further than that doesn't concern them. Some workers seem to believe that communism has their true interests at stake and helps them to true social and economic betterment. . . . Other workers do not seem too concerned about any real investigation of communism's true nature, so long as certain communist-dominated unions succeed in putting more money into their pay envelopes.
In late 1960, Paul Cardinal Leger, Archbishop of Montreal, spoke to the 37th Canadian Social Week.(2) He recalled the long-time advocacy by Canadian bishops for forming an organization representing owners, workers, and government. Whatever the organizational problems, Leger felt, at least, owners and workers should begin immediately an "interprofessional" group, for the purpose of considering respective economic problems. Such discussions among Christians should be marked by "mutual respect for differing views, recognition of facts as they really exist and readiness to concede or conciliate where necessary."
Late in 1960 the Canadian Catholic Conference expressed anxiety over the "growing tendency of commerce and industry to consider Sunday as an ordinary working day."(3) The statement contained compliments for their government's firm stand on world peace, plans for helping underdeveloped countries, and proposals for undoing Pius XII, and John XXIII to remind us repeatedly "the observance of Sunday is a clear indication of a sane economic and social order."
On May 14, 1961 the Catholic dioceses of English-speaking Canada observed a seventh annual Social Action Sunday and adopted as its theme, "Industrial Relations Seventy Years After Rerum Novarum."(4) Speaking as director of the Canadian Catholic Conference, Father P. A. Nearing, recognized great progress in industrial relations since 1891, as more people of good will, concerned greatly about the common good, seek practical applications of principles and recommendations stated in the encyclical.
The Pope's words "capital cannot do without labor, nor can labor without capital" is accepted more widely. . . . More individuals and groups are accepting economic reasons for closer cooperation between capital and labor. Surely, this can prepare the way, so that in time we shall be doing the right thing for the right reasons. . . . Yet there is still no general evidence of a charity, "man's surest antidote to worldly pride and immoderate love of self," which Pope Leo set down as the basic need.
At the May observance, plans were set for the next Social Action Conference, in Halifax, October 13-15, 1961 for several hundred delegates. They keynote address, entitled "Industrial Relations, A Social Problem," was to Bishop F. A. Marrocco, Auxiliary of Toronto and the first Social Action Director of Canada's Catholic Conference. The program was to include: other speakers on industrial relations from the fields of religion, education and government; industry council plans in Canada; studies on small farmers partners in industry, capital, and labor. Also planned were sessions for special interest groups: Young Christian Workers, National Labor Cooperative Communities of Canada, Catholic Labor Schools, and Canadian Institute of Communications.
The 1961 Labor Day Statement of the Social Action Commission of the Canadian Catholic Conference commented on John XXIII's Mater et Magistra.(5) Noticing the attention given to industrial and agricultural workers, public policy and organizations to help workers and employers, the statement underlined some points of John's encyclical.
Farmers' productivity and living standard is too often below that of many living and working in cities. Wages of all workers should be determined by equity and justice. Expansion of workers' right to organize would provide better integration and participation in all levels of economic and social life. Nevertheless, there is an assumption, also, of just economic and social policies, which permit "an ever-increasing intervention" by public authorities. Furthermore,
Neither state absolutism nor unrestrained competition can ever be basis for a social order in keeping with demands of our human nature. . . . Social institutions are founded in a crusading spirit for the service of people and realization of their aspirations, but too often . . . they forget their origins and ends. . . . Associations of employers and employees, like all other groups, must not give members an impression they are mere objects existing for the sake of an organization. The organization exists for the members.
The October 1961 Catholic Social Life Conference did take place at Halifax and F. A. Marrocco, Auxiliary Bishop of Toronto, did give the keynote address.(6) Commemorating Rerum Novarum, Marrocco called 500 delegates to the conference to examine ideals and practice in Canadian economic and social life and pinpoint "the radical errors" and "the deep disorders" that prevail. Specific challenges were made to labor and management.
Has an appreciation of the trade union movement and moved workers to give active participation in union affairs and caused them to ensure the most wise, upright, law-abiding, and competent leadership in their unions. . . .
What can be said of the average Canadian employer? With all the blessings and seventy years of labor relations experience, he should be distinguished by a record of respecting human dignity, promoting spiritual and temporal welfare, and using the most progressive means of sharing the fruits of production with those who created them--the employees.
Also, at the Halifax Catholic Social Life Conference, the 500 delegates passed several resolutions.(7) Noteworthy for labor-management relations were four.
One, farmers were urged to intensify their use of the co-operative movement and to establish a national professional association with individual memberships. Two, every level of Catholic educational institutions was exhorted to introduce church social doctrine courses. Three, Catholic colleges were encouraged to have industrial relations departments. Four, provincial and federal governments were asked to collaborate in remedial employment programs with labor, industry, and agriculture. Special appeal was made for the many parts of Canada where "unemployment has produced detrimental physical and spiritual consequences in individuals and families and has seriously interfered with industrial relations."
In late 1961, one-hundred representatives of Ontario hospitals participated in an institute on Catholic hospitals, at St. Michael's Hospital in Toronto.(8) The institute, sponsored by the Catholic Hospital Association of Canada in collaboration with the Social Action Department of Canada's Catholic Conference, featured as its main speaker Toronto's archbishop, P.F. Pocock. He made several significant points for Catholic social teaching.
First, while any enterprise must safeguard unity of administration, more important is employees feeling treated as "junior brothers and sisters" and accepted as part of an enterprise. Such, said the archbishop, "makes for efficiency, peace and harmony." Second, the right of an unskilled worker to a living wage means enabling "the worker to support his family in dignity." Third, an example of outstanding collaboration between labor and the Hospital Association of Canada in Sakatchewan was presented in these glowing terms,
It was never a question of discussing grievances but of labor desiring to belong to the wonderful enterprise of caring for the sick. . . . All should rejoice in the progress of social justice. It is a pity we have not been leading in the march toward social justice. I am happy to see you here, not simply to keep abreast but also to lead in this field.
Another speaker at the St. Michael Hospital Institute was Mrs. A. Lynch, educational counselor for the Catholic Women's League of the Toronto Archdiocese.(9) She was certain Mater et Magistra would change only the implementation of the aims of Catholic hospitals. Then she traced principles of Leo XIII and John XXIII on human dignity and the common good with respect to working conditions, wages, private property, and person's relations to the government in hospital work.
Work itself and working conditions should reflect respect for human dignity, especially since work is one means of salvation. Because of the common good,
. . . a worker has a right to associate with other workers and in such union men gain the advantages peculiar to workers; . . . papal teaching insists a worker must not ask more wages than he knows the company can bear; . . . workers and managers should move toward a partnership-contract and away from the original work-contract.
She concluded by reminding the one hundred representatives that they had much in common with Mater et Magistra, which "does stand as an historic social monument. Application of its principles to your problems must be made."
Early in 1962 a Lenten Pastoral was issued by the bishop of Sault Ste. Marie, Alexander Carter.(10) The pastoral started with a call for a diocesan program of sermons to counter an ignorance of church social teaching and an affirmation of the freedom Catholics enjoy of joining any political party--save the Communist Party. A considerable portion of the pastoral reflected on the role of labor unions in the modern world.
Workers were reminded of their important duty of giving their unions good reputations by intelligent and active participation.
If labor has suffered a bad reputation in many parts of the world, it is due only to the apathy and negligence of its members. If each member insisted upon his democratic rights, attended meetings faithfully, chose candidates for office on the basis if integrity and ability, unions could not fall into the hands of dictators and gangsters.
Workers and others were told the church will not, cannot, and does not desire to control union affairs. Yet, the church is very interested in workers' welfare and always shall champion efforts to secure living and working conditions in keeping with their human dignity. Tn order to help workers secure a decent wage and full employment, the church must do everything possible. Quoting from Mater et Magistra, Carter added that labor unions have "a great role to play in the development of a better system."
In the spirit of John XXIII, the bishop could not give only lip service to the need for unions and ignore their existence when financial interests of the church are at stake. Hence, he issued the following directives.
1. In all diocesan work, all things being equal, preference will be given to contractors who use union labor. 2. In all diocesan construction the scale of wages established by the government, in conjunction with the unions, must be observed. 3. We shall remain in close contact with union leaders and will not encourage any contractor when proof is given that he refuses to hire union labor or refuses the union the right to approach his men for purposes of organizing them.
Early in 1962, Montreal's Cardinal, Paul Leger, met with two hundred Catholic labor leaders.(11) Earlier he talked with intellectuals and professionals in Montreal. On each occasion, he asked for "opinions in complete freedom, searching for truth." The sessions with the labor leaders included study groups on liturgy, clergy attitudes on social issues, church teaching marriage and family, hospitals, welfare, use of natural resources, preaching, teaching of catechism and religion, clergy-laity relations in the work world, and collaboration of the laity in church work. Results of plenary sessions were given to Leger by the organizing committee. Of special note, was an insistence that informing priests they have closer contact with the realities of the workers' world. The tenor of the sessions with the labor leaders was expressed well by the president of the diocesan Catholic Action Movement and chair person, Claude Ryan, ". . . if laboring classes had many criticisms to offer, they did it with the aim of bringing improvement to the church; not to fall away from it."
Later in 1962, a retreat-seminar on church social teaching was held, at the Manresa retreat house in suburban Montreal, for thirteen industrial management representatives.(12) Conceived after the Halifax Catholic Social Life Conference in October 1961, the retreat included conferences, by Rev. Joseph R. Birch O.M.I., on papal encyclicals and hour-long discussion periods, rather than times for silent meditation. Besides leading the discussions, as he had done as resource consultant in Halifax, Birch read letters from Dr. Tom Dooley, who was viewed by Birch as "a model of what a dedicated lay person can do through self-sacrifice and personal denial."
Also in 1962, labor union representatives attended a summer session sponsored by a labor-education committee cooperating with the Canadian Labor Council, Nova Scotia Federation of Labor Council, and New Glasgow District Labor Council.(13) The speaker was Rev. J. N. MacNeil, Extension Department Director, St. Francis Xavier University, in Antigonish, Nova Scotia. Affirming the continuing validity of the time-worn philosophy and principles of labor, MacNeil called for radical changes in the manner of their application in modern times and issued ringing challenge.
Across the whole nation, I want to see labor accept all the responsibilities of first-class citizenship by giving unselfish, unstinting energetic leadership at all levels.
Refusing to accept criticism of labor's struggles for better wages, pensions, benefits, and favorable legislation as motivated only by desires for material advancements, MacNeil asserted labor generally sought the status of first-class citizens. Yet, aware of innumerable examples, from his Cape Breton experience, of community leadership exercised by unions, MacNeil wondered if the labor movement as a whole could make such a distinctive claim.
Specifically, he remarked that labor needed other groups' help as respected equals and community leaders. Thus, labor should not hesitate to take the initiative, if need be, to unite forces with others concerned about the community. Given its organizational strength and impact, labor had to travel farther before being judged as having met sufficiently its communal responsibilities.
Citing a statistical survey about the strength of Canadian credit unions and co-operatives, he chided labor for its feeble support of such movements and highlighted needs to link such movements with labor, if low income financing was to help people in troubled times.
It does not make sense that union men refuse to be pushed around in the market for their labor services, but at the same time allow themselves to be dictated to as consumers.
There is too much distance between labor, fishermen and farmers when co-operative agencies exist which will allow all, working together, to make better communities for all. I know labor can do a great deal in the matter of co-op housing. Homes mean stability. It is part of labor's new role to bring stability and security to the community as a whole, not merely to its members.
Late in 1962, Bishop F. J. Klein addressed Knights of Columbus leaders in his diocese of Saskatoon.(14) He asked the knights to reflect on the meaning of "social" and "fraternity," with a special reference to Mater et Magistra's challenge to the laity to be active participants in reconstructing modern society. He attributed the difficulty of many Catholics to appreciate Catholic social teaching to conflict with an "almost instinctive individualism." Klein understood that prevailing political and economic climate would induce people to ask, "What can I get out of it?" Noting everyone tends to be a terrific individualist, the bishop urged laity to remember that, even though organizations exist for the sake of the person, they exist also for the sake of others as well.
Around the same time, Bishop William E. Power, of Antigonish, preached at all masses in St. Ninian's Cathedral during a diocesan-wide Sunday of prayer for "a just solution to the economic problems that face industrial areas."
Earlier in the summer, the bishop requested prayers for farmers, whose crops were threatened by abnormal rain fall, and miners, who lost hundreds of jobs by mine closures. Speaking of John XXIII's call for renewal of the family unity engendered by Baptism, the bishop exhorted all the people in the diocese (farmers, fishermen, industrial workers) to be concerned not only with their own particular problems, but those of each other as well. .
Again in 1962, Canada's Catholic Hospital Association and Catholic Conference co-sponsored in Pembroke, Ontario, an institute on church social teaching.(15) In addition to the patient-care dimensions of "hospital as community," the conference addressed the application of Mater et Magistra and other church teaching about relations between employees and employers.
Sr. M. Patricia, S.S.J., director of St. Joseph's Hospital, Port Arthur, Ontario, insisted such relations be marked by more than respect, admiration, understanding, and cooperation. Hospitals should examine how papal norms are met,
. . . workers should be encouraged to participate actively in management of the enterprise . . . and not reduced to . . . silent performers who have no chance to bring their experiences into play . . . work should be viewed and carried out by all . . . not merely as a source of income, but also the fulfillment of duty and performance of service to others.
Romeo Maione, assistant in Canada's Catholic Conference Social Action Department, said hospitals should provide a "collective witness to healing and justice." For Maione, the essential problem of the time was human development-intellectually and spiritually-to direct and control the new scientific and technological world. Noting that basic educational institutions must be aided and complemented by networks of institutions, Maione elaborated.
The hospital community must seek its own perfection in alleviating human suffering, this is its primary task. . . . At the same time, every hospital staff member, from surgeon to dishwasher, should leave a hospital more responsible, more aware of his social responsibility to all. . . .
The best public relations staff a hospital can have are "restored-to-health" patients and "restored-to-dignity" workers. Together they should sing out the praises of a well-ordered hospital.
Will this mean development of worker-management committees in our hospitals? Will it mean workers should organize into unions of their choice?
With reference to Mater et Magistra's belief that workers' associations now exist for collective bargaining instead of conflictive purposes, Maione was certain workers' associations are irreplaceable in building true community spirit. Maione was certain also that only by freely respecting workers' Godgiven right to associate with fellow-workers, would management encourage them to associate freely and with dignity with others in the hospital community. Yet,
. . . while some employers acknowledge the workers' right to organize locally, they question the desire of this same association of workers to become affiliated to an outside union.
Yet, can an isolated association exert an influence on the full global community of workers, if we insist on isolation Or our workers from the worker movement? . . . I doubt it. Would the local nurses or doctors associations develop, if they were not part of larger organizations on the national and even; international level.
Union members from Edmonton made a retreat, late in 1962, with conferences by Rev. Michael McCaffery, an expert in labor-management relations.(16) Noting that usually most union members view unions only as protective organizations and fail to identify themselves with unions and their goals, McCaffery urged more active involvement of the membership, if the most serious problems facing unions--automation and unemployment--were to be solved. Attributing non-involvement mostly to an inadequate education Or the rank-and-rile about unions' philosophy, he stressed the necessity Or workers' using papal encyclicals as excellent guides. Also, McCaffery quoted at length from a recent letter of the bishops of Quebec.
[E]very man has a duty to see that all his professional interests are protected and secure . . . to aim at obtaining for himself and his family whatever is necessary to lead truly human lives, sheltered against future changes . . . to cooperate for the welfare of fellow citizens, especially those united by common interests . . . to collaborate for restoration of a more balanced social by favoring recognition of justice in all activities of labor, industry and commerce. An isolated worker cannot achieve it. United with fellow workers, he will be able to perform that imperious social duty. In the present state of things there is the moral obligation to take an active part in the professional organization.
McCaffery concluded, it is a truism unions exist not only for labor's good, but for the common good. Yet he asked, "How much are our unions doing here in Edmonton for the common good?"
On February 17, 1963 the Catholic Labor School, in Saskatoon, heard W. Frank Chafe, regional education director for the Canadian Labor Congress.(17) His talk began with a bold charge that the union movement had a bad image because of the deliberate propaganda campaign in the mass media to make people think unions were menaces to the public. Hence, a generation tending to believe generalities and to think superficially, tends to judge unions as socialistic and communistic ogres.
Such was not the reaction of the church. For the popes, since Leo XIII, judged unions and the ILO as positive and unique actors on the world scene. The labor movement was deemed most important and necessary, since work is a necessary means of salvation. Union corruption simply mirrored the same in the larger society and union leaders were forceful in removing guilty culprits and fraudulent practices.
Early in 1963, a social action meeting in Saskatoon heard Rev. Blaise Morand, director of the Catholic Labor School.(18) Remarking that some people think of subsidiarity as "handcuffs on the government," Morand developed ideas on the source, purpose and mode of governmental power.
Although people may elect government, God is the source of power. Government's purpose is to promote and protect the common good. That is, the well-being of the whole society, by careful and proper balancing of the welfare of individuals and all society and by making available conditions and opportunities conducive to a good life.
Modes of governing entail subsidiarity, a principle which has a negative and positive dimension to it. The negative aspect means rights of the individual, the family, and smaller social groups must not be destroyed in pursuit of the common good. The positive aspect entails a duty given to the government to direct, watch, stimulate and restrain a nation's affairs in the interest of all the citizens. Hence, the principle means to subsidize and assist in realizing human rights. It does means a "hand-off" policy.
When the common good is at stake there is no limit to a state's right to intervene and protect, in the name of distributive justice, rights of an individual . . . a group or class of people.
As part of an eight-week series of one-hour talks in his labor school Morand spoke about organizing and strikes.(19) The right to organize and associate with others flowed from human's social nature. God created each human as an individual and a social being. In addition to the church's constant encouragement of employers associations and industrial organizations, Morand referred to the group of Cardinals appointed in 1929 by the pope to draft a five-point program in which, under certain circumstances, the church considered the formation of such associations and organizations morally necessary. "To refuse to take part in an industrial organization, trade, or labor union, an individual may in a given case gravely injure the welfare of others."
In speaking of the right to strike, Morand stated that a strike is a last resort, when other means have failed. He offered the traditional four conditions of a just strike--just cause, hope of success, benefits gained not disproportionate to harm done, and previous efforts to reach conciliation.
In another lecture at the Saskatoon Catholic Labor School series, in early 1963, Rev. Blaise Morand, its director, spoke about "Capitalism, Socialism, and Socialization."(20) His purpose was to evaluate each, in light of Catholic social teaching.
Capitalism was described as an economic system which upheld private ownership, freedom of enterprise, profit motive, wage system and use of investment funds to build capital. The church is not at odds with any of these facets, as long as capitalism meets its social obligations and respects the rights of others. However, she has condemned monopolistic capitalism, which destroys others' rights, makes free enterprise impossible, and thrives on a "dog-eat-dog" policy.
Socialism was described as absolute government control of the entire system of production, distribution, and exchange. Such an economic system arose in reaction to extreme individualism. Yet, socialism's errors lie in an implicit denial of each individual's human nature and right to private property, as well as an insistence that all means of production belong by right to government. "True socialism advocates Marxism . . . [and] differs from Marxism only by its choice of a peaceful approach to attain its objectives." Morand emphasized government has a right to place under public control any industry judged too vital for the common good to be left in private control.
Socialization was described as group action, the principle behind organizations and unions, and expression of humanity's social nature. Namely, socialization--a phenomenon on international, national, local, and family levels--empowers people to do in a group what they cannot do as private persons. A threefold safeguard w.as suggested in drawing the line of socialization. One, citizens constantly must question public officials on the real aims of governmental goals and legislation. Two, citizens constantly must study programs of political parties. Three, citizens constantly analyze government policies, in order to discover whether the ownership of property will be extended or restricted.
Early in 1964, the editor of Union Farmer, F. Von Pilis, addressed a group of trade unionists, meeting in Sakastoon's Union Center.(21) He described Palestine, in Christ's time, as bicultural (Jewish in rural areas, Greek in cities) and bilingual (Aramaic and Greek). Poverty was appalling. There was a rich minority and a large class of poor workers and farmers. Agriculture, horticulture, forestry, pasturing, and trades provided work opportunity.
Although Jesus cared for and preached to all, his identification was with the poor. He was so committed to those who labor that he would unite with them in efforts to fulfill the law of love for one's neighbor. If he were working in a carpenter shop today, he would be a trade unionist. However,
When the time came to lay down hammer and saw in order to go into public life and become the Head of the one, universal union of all mankind, he would let his membership in a carpenters' union lapse. To be all things to all, he could not restrict himself to one particular group to exclusion of all others.
Von Pilis, then, mentioned the church's tradition of following Christ's attitudes and relation toward the poor, as well as its teaching on unions as "morally necessary," with the implication of a duty to join. Tied to the right to organize is the right to strike.
Comments were made also about capitalism. Industrial capitalism was said to be regarded by the church, "as a diseased growth, born of man's rebellion against Christian principles of social life and bearing within itself the seeds the seeds of social anarchy and chaos." Rejecting the limited options of "atheistic communism and atheistic capitalism," Von Pilis posed another alternative. Society formed by love of God and neighbor could establish respect for the inherent dignity and worth of people. Hence, workers would be regarded as "human beings, not as animated tools or mere appendages of a machine." Trade unions would not be run like businesses "dealing in one commodity--human labor." Consequently, workers must "take Christ into the marketplace and give him the place of honor in society which is his due."
In 1967, Bishop M. A. MacEachern of Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, wrote to priests of his diocese a letter of strong support for labor and trade unions.(22) In addition to sermons on Sundays close to the feast of St. Joseph the Worker, the bishop urged the priests to be informed of any disputes in the labor field and be knowledgeable in papal encyclicals and Vatican II's Constitution of the Church in the Modern World. Relevant to priests' sermons and study should be workers' "rights as well as their obligations to give an honest day's work for a just wage." Among other diocesan directives were the following.
Everything possible should be done to encourage workers to join and take active part in their respective unions. . . .
[In diocesan construction] the scale of wages established by the government, whether federal or provincial, in conjunction with the various unions, is to be observed. . . .
In all diocesan work and construction undertaken under Catholic auspices, preference is to be given to contractors who hire union labor. . . .
If a contractor is known to refuse to hire union labor or refuse the union the right to approach his men for organization purposes, he shall bc discouraged to submit tenders or under take the construction.
Labor Day 1970, witnessed another annual Canadian Catholic Conference statement.(23) Its general concern was "liberation" from several perspectives. Under the topic of "Liberation Through Social Participation," CCC spoke of liberation as,
[A] corrective which challenges comfortable myths of the privileged. It conveys those notes of urgency and impatience which characterize expectations of the deprived. They are trapped and they want to be freed now.
Many Canadians (especially Natives, Metis and Eskimos) were trapped and imprisoned in networks and circumstances of restraints. They were cut off from fair opportunities for education, employment, decent living conditions and effective participation in public life.
Under the topic "Liberation Through Personal Renewal," CCC called for a baptismal conversion of heart and a humility of spirit proclaimed by Jesus. Affluent Canadians were summoned to share with the underdeveloped in Canada and elsewhere. Government was summoned to implement social structures and policies which would ensure "equitable sharing of riches and distribution Or power among citizens."