The Council of European Bishops' Conferences, representing hierarchies of twenty-four nations, at Subiaco, Italy, on September 28, 1980 issued a declaration, "The Responsibilities of European Christians."(1) Assembled at the monastery founded by St. Benedict, fifteen centuries earlier, the bishops wanted to offer the hope to the modern world, as Benedict had earlier. The bishops acknowledged with gratitude the accomplishments from the past toward liberty, justice, and peace. Yet, they also were saddened by new manifestations of poverty and injustice evident in the present and threatening the future of humanity. The declaration represented a blueprint for a Europe of greater humanity.
First, there must be human rights. The rights to life, marriage and family must not be limited "for ideological, economic, or political reasons." Foreign and migrant workers have the right to live with their families and should not be sent back to their own countries because of economic crisis or unemployment. The right to work and its corresponding obligations must be emphasized,
Work gives people opportunities to support themselves, supply needs of others, and harness the world's resources. Society has the duty to help people find suitable work, so that they may lead decent lives without being exploited. The economy should serve people and not vice versa.
Likewise, religious liberty must be observed by a state and every social group, even the church.
Second, there must be cooperation between peoples of Europe and the world. There must be respect and mutual consideration, reconciliation and peace. Faith is as essential now as in Basil's and Benedict's times. The former "directed the attention of the church toward the demands of social action." The latter "put concern for others as the fundamental principle of life in his communities and thus gave a new dignity to work."
Third, the church's mission requires cooperation between bishops, ecclesial communities in different nations, ecumenical communities, and peoples of good will everywhere. Such should not be deterred by "the ideological or political conflicts which divide Europe today."
In Austria, during 1961, the hierarchy issued a joint pastoral letter on social issues.(2) Several issues were addressed. On socialization, the bishops insisted on the necessity of keeping the Christian tenor. Employment of the principles of subsidiarity in economic matters was highlighted. For, without it all individual initiative and responsibility could ebb away.
For families, the bishops urged governments to increase subsidies to mothers, in order to reduce the necessity of full-time working mothers. Young women were counselled to enter social work.
On education, religious communities were encouraged strongly to establish vocational schools. Hence, youth would receive, not only training for future careers, but also a solid value formation.
In industrial life, starting wages of beginning workers had to be increased, in order to encourage savings for home purchases. The co-partnership between labor and management stressed in John XXIII's Mater et Magistra was largely unknown in Austrian life. Gratitude was voiced about initial collaboration of the Catholic labor movement and groups of Christian producers. Finally, industry was warned not to outshine agriculture in terms of government aid and progress. The healthy balance between both should be pursued
Early in 1960 Pierre Gerber, Cardinal Archbishop of Lyons, wrote in L'Homme Nouveau, protesting layoffs and plant closure as first solutions to management difficulties, no matter how serious.(3) He asserted management had "a serious and unquestionable obligation to exhaust all possible means" before allowing workers to suffer from crises or organizational defects. For him, idle workers or big pay reductions were "no solutions." His challenge was clear.
Without failing to recognize thorny responsibilities of management in times of exceptional difficulty, all Christians ought to feel a solidarity with the homes of workers who live in misery and ask with them that they be spared, if at all possible, from that kind of suffering.
In late 1961 Francois Marty, a Rheims Archbishop, issued a statement during disputes over production cutbacks and firings.(4) There were union protests, due to reductions of work schedules and work forces in some businesses, while in other businesses work intensified through excessive overtime and crushing work schedules.
Under such conditions, Marty's defense was clear.
Responsibilities of union activity are service. Hence, union leaders are worthy of special respect. Any punishment of one of them simply because of his union activity is an injustice.
In the Spring of 1963, the Assembly of Cardinals and Archbishops of France, with the urging of bishops from the mining areas, issued a statement supporting striking miners.(5) Since French mines had been nationalized in the 1940's, any strike was against the government. When the miners' strike started in early March, bishops in northern France called for peaceful negotiations, since brutal clashes between the state and miners were deemed unthinkable. Calls were also issued for financial help and popular sensitivity to the needs of miners and their families.
Prior to the assembly's statement 300,000 workers in state-run railroads and 150,000 employees in state-run post offices declared 24-hour sympathy strikes. A statement by the top leadership of the Catholic church caused quite a stir. Supporting and repeating pleas of bishops in mining areas, the assembly said,
The extent and length of these mining conflicts brings justifiable anguish to citizens of our country. . . . Anxious for social peace, the Cardinals and Archbishops of France . . . ask the faithful not to remain aloof from the work of brotherly help which the gospel itself urges on them. . . . They hope forthright dialogue will lead quickly to a just settlement that will assure equitable provision for the industry and respond to the demands of the common good.
Also in the Spring of 1963 Paul Richard, Cardinal Archbishop of Bordeaux, wrote in L'Aquitaine, an archdiocesan weekly.(6) Despite evidence of events, which clearly shows business' future is bound to the efforts of others, Richard maintained employers
. . . still do not understand that they are not the only masters of their businesses. . . . No social class can consider itself all powerful. . . . Employers and employees belong to the same civic and social family.
Richard also stressed the importance of intermediary bodies, like joint worker-management committees and trade unions, in creating a normal dialogue.
Social dialogue is becoming more needed than ever in setting even unimportant matters. A need for meeting is more compelling when difficulties come up. Situations where all are involved cannot be remedied if each side remains in its own camp. Refusal to understand and sudden stoppage of activities which others live from are not humane solutions.
Early in 1965, Jacques Menager, Bishop of Meaux, spoke out when 500 factory workers were fired in near-by Dammarie-les-Lys.(7) Voicing sympathy for those fired and decrying an economic system unable to foresee and avoid such human tragedies, Menager's communique was lengthy.
There exists here conditions of unmitigated insecurity and injustice which violate the dignity men created in the image of God. It is thus necessary to proclaim unceasingly that those responsible for the economic life have a solid obligation jointly to seek and find--in adequate time and by every means--just solutions to the human problems brought about by business changes in a world which is becoming increasingly unstable; to do so without waiting until forced eventually to make hasty decisions which are tragic because of their very suddenness.
In the Spring of 1966, a commission on charities and social action drafted for the French hierarchy's approval the declaration, "Reflections on the Economic and Social Situation."(8)
Unprecedented growth areas vied with massive shutdowns and unemployment in other areas. Shutdowns were in marginal industries, such as coal mines in the North, iron mines in the East, shipyards in the South. The declaration came in the wake of public stands of bishops supporting workers thrown out of jobs due to the regional dislocations. Charles De Provencheres, Aix-en-Provence's Archbishop, for example, spoke on the same platform as the Communist mayor of the Mediterranean coast town of Port-de Bouc to voice support of recently fired shipyard workers. The archbishop said, "The request for work is simple and just. It is a right the Church recognizes and to uphold this right I am here among you this evening."
Although the French hierarchy's declaration never mentioned capitalism, it did state that the profit motive should not be the only criterion or sole instigating force in economic development. Development was not to be left to the discretion of a few persons or groups holding too much economic power, nor to politicians or the few more powerful nations.
On the contrary, it is proper that the greatest number of people, on all levels and the international plane, all nations together, can play an active part in its orientation.
Economic growth was a demonstration of human progress and a moral duty. However, there must be a study of its possible repercussion beforehand. Vatican II's Church in the Modern World ["Man is the source, center, and purpose of all economic and social life."] was mentioned in the context of the unemployment and closures, decent wages and stable prices, economic investments by the wealthy and reinvestment of surpluses by industry. A quite specific commentary followed.
This suggests . . . that on the company level, without prejudice to a necessary unity of direction there must be study of ways to allow active participation of workers in the development, checking, and carrying out of decisions which concern them to the highest degree.
Often they are not notified about decisions that affect their personal and family lives until too late. This applies equally to other echelons--professions, regions, national and international institutions, where it is necessary trade union and other organizations can take part in work of planning and orientation.
The declaration concluded with a call for reforms in economic life and, most importantly, for conversion of outlook and attitudes. Some values were deemed essential for achieving human destiny: ". . . solidarity in work, a spirit of service, concern for general welfare, awareness of a need for sharing goods, a sense of responsibility toward all people."
In the Spring of 1967, several bishops called for efforts to restore industrial peace, as France experienced a wave of strikes.(9) A joint-letter came from the Lorraine region, where iron-mining workers struck. Bishops Paul Joseph Smitt of Metz, Emile Charles Pirolley of Nancy, and Pierre Boillon of Verdun--expressed sympathy for all affected by the strikes, reservations about the competency of their opinions on economic aspects of the conflicts, and unwillingness to substitute for the laity who must assume their responsibilities in economic matters. The three bishops expressed a confidence in the efforts and commitments of publish authorities and other interested parties to effect solutions. Noting 3,000 iron-mine workers and officials directly were affected and 60,000 children and women indirectly, the bishops uttered some forceful words.
The fate of thousands should not depend on the single decision of a few. . . . By means of their organizations, all at all levels must be able actively to make and implement decisions. . . . If we are not careful, our world will become the machine for pushing those who are poor into an irresponsible revolt. . . . The economy must be put at the service of people. All people must be able to become the artisans of their destiny.
Similar views were expressed by Michel Vial, the Bishop of Nantes, in his message dealing with troubles in the shipbuilding industry at Saint-Nazaire. He focused on aspects of the economic system which constituted the obstacle to responsibilities and development of the human person. Borrowing from Paul VI's encyclical, On the Development of Peoples, Vial noted the fallacies: the profit motive as the key to economic progress, competition as the supreme law of economics, and private ownership of the means of production as an absolute right with no limits or responsibilities.
Charles De Provencheres, Archbishop of Aix-en-Provence, commented on aviation industry difficulties in Marignane. Deferring to the laity of Catholic Action to assume the presence of the church in temporal affairs, save in exceptional circumstances, Archbishop De Provencheres also used Paul VI's encyclical, in order to express a deep concern of the church for unemployed and impoverished people. Just aspirations of people included,
. . . a salary which assures the worker and his family a worthy life on the material, social, cultural, and spiritual levels; a guarantee of job stability; health insurance; a greater participation in all responsibilities.
In late March 1960, representatives of Catholic and Protestant workers' associations issued a declaration stressing the urgent needs of German workers.(10) Attending this first post-World War II congress representing almost 1.5 million workers, were the President of West Germany and Joseph Frings, Cardinal Archbishop of Cologne. Catholic organizations included: the Catholic Workers' Movement, German Kolping Society, and Young Christian Workers' Movement. The Congress hoped to promote Christian influence in industrial relations and to establish collaborative efforts for reconstruction of the social order on Christian principles. The joint-declaration proposed, among other things,
-Workers be given voice in determination of economic questions on a national scale.
-The state prevent concentration of industrial power detrimental to the nation.
-Profit-sharing plans be initiated to give workers a just share of the national income and the means to acquire property.
-Families with numerous children be given financial help.
-Employers respect the rights of workers to rest on Sunday.
In late 1960, the German Bishops issued a report on Catholic worker organizations.(11) The groups were deemed irreplaceable and significant in the work world, of such "decisive important for the future of society and the church." Such groups of responsible and thinking lay people, who practiced their faith and its social teaching in family and industrial life, had to grow. Also, such groups had to win back fallen-away Catholics and instruct others in Catholic social teaching.
Such pleas and cautions from the bishops were understandable, given the history of German confessional unions. In 1894, the Christian Federation of Labor was founded and grew in size (1.35 million) and power, until the Nazis dissolved all unions in 1933. A unified General Federation of Labor (DGB) was setup in 1949 and embraced workers of every religious denomination or ideology. However, the DGB became strongly socialistic. From 50-80% of German workers had socialistic orientation and no church affiliation. In 1952 bishops called for neutrality and tolerance in the DGB. Yet, in 1955 a number of Catholic labor leaders sensed continued incompatibility and setup a Christian labor organization.
The bishops thought there were good reasons for establishing Catholic labor unions but left Catholic workers free to decide for themselves. In 1959 the Association of Christian Trade Unions was established with fourteen Christian-oriented labor groups. Its membership of 200,000 was quite small, compared to the six million in the DGB. Nevertheless, within the DGB there was a Christian Social Union, which continued to work for a greater recognition for Catholics and Protestants.
Since World War II, Sunday in Germany was considered like any other day, due to the needs of armaments and other vital materials.(12) In postwar years, the German bishops and others appealed for a reconstruction of the Sunday rest, without a fear of being considered unpatriotic. Given developments, the call was needed.
In 1951, German steelworkers introduced an experiment called the "sliding work week," which enabled factories to maintain continuous production for 168 hours a week, stopping neither at night or on Sundays. Days of rest shifted from week to week. Such a practice was condemned in 1952 by the bishops, for abolishing Sunday as the Sabbath, endangering the religious life of workers, and loosening family ties.
In 1955, the bishops pointed a finger at management and labor for bargaining agreements with the sliding work week arrangements. Again in 1957, the bishops created a commission to discuss Sunday work with representatives of steel's labor and management. No success!
In fact, in 1957, the sliding work week spread by a legal enactment in North Rhine area of Westphalia. As German Catholic organizations protested Sunday work and demanded new legislation, the German parliament took up the question and the Federal government promised new legislation. A special commission, setup by the labor ministry, met with representatives of employees, labor, management and religious organizations. Some legislation was deemed urged, since Sunday work had spread to the cement, chemical, glass and paper industries.
In 1959 the bishops lashed out again and, despite much counter-lobbying, the government acted. The final outcome, drafted by labor ministry, was a big success, but awaited the approval of the upper house, or Bundesrat. If passed, there was to be, over a six-year period, in several steps, a sixteen-hour work cessation on Sunday in steel plants. Furnaces, smelting iron ore, were allowed to continue working uninterrupted on Sunday. Yet, the operation of the Siemans-Martin electro-steel furnaces, producing only molten steel, no longer was permitted on Sunday. Promises were made to issue further decrees for other industries.
Even though the Bishops of North Rhine-Westphalia appealed for the approval of that bill, upon being presented in the Bundesrat, it was sent back with some reservations and questions.(13) An ally of the bishops, the Political Questions Committee of Catholic Organizations in North Rhine-Westphalia, took strong exception to a pamphlet issued by the Association of Managers in the iron and steel industry. The pamphlet's title explicitly stated the industry "categorically refuses" to interrupt work in certain plants on Sunday.
Replying to the pamphlet, the Political Questions Committee laid out clarifications and qualifiers. Even though Sunday work regulations might be looser in other nations, Sunday was protected in the Federal and several State constitutions of Germany. The present dispensations were illegal but were not contested in courts, because, despite several renewals, they were expected to be entirely temporary. Catholic Bishops condemned Sunday work, as early as the
1930's, when first enacted by the Nazis and in the 1950's when reintroduced widely in Germany. Earlier industrial data differed from the pamphlet's economic arguments on estimates of how much the steel industry would lose, if Sunday work was abolished. Indeed, the pamphlet doubled the number of hours previously estimated as needed to fire furnaces. Even though evening liturgy was allowed to assist those who had to work, the custom was not to be used as an excuse for putting Catholics to work on Sunday.
Early in 1961, Joseph Frings, Cardinal Archbishop of Cologne and President of the German Bishops' Conference, issued a Lenten Pastoral, which contained several politico-economic aspects.(14)
Workers were urged to take advantage of Germany's prosperity and put parts of their earnings into investments. He stressed that a wider distribution of wealth would, not only raise the living standard of the less well-off, but also strengthen the economy as a whole. The government was urged to increase benefits of the family allowance system, so as to relieve the "difficult and unhealthy situation" created by working mothers. Frings implicitly supported a government program which has three levels. First, tax privileges and special allowances for lower-income people who place some earnings into savings. Second, the creation of state industries and postwar efforts to provide housing. Both declared that property distribution from these factors were not in accordance with justice and had to be corrected.
Indeed both offered specific proposals to achieve a wider distribution of property. First, citizens of low income should be enabled and encouraged to invest part of their income in savings banks, stocks and other productive securities. Second, the Savings Premium Law should be amended to give further privileges to big families, especially since it was designed to encourage savings. Third, state-owned firms should be de-nationalized and the custom of offering people a first option for stock purchases should be continued. Also terms of stock purchase should be lowered for heads of large families. Fourth, low-cost housing loans should be extended to families in lower income brackets. Fifth, remuneration to workers should include shares of voting stock in the employing firm.
Early in 1963, German Catholic and Protestant labor groups condemned the strike and lockout, resulting from Germany's biggest labor conflict in more than ten years.(15) In Baden-Wuerttemberg state, 140,000 members of a Metal Workers Union went on strike for higher wages. Shortly thereafter, 220,000 workers were out of work due to the decision of the Metal Industry Association of Baden-Wuerttemberg to close all the metal working plants in the northern half of the state.
The Protestant labor movement was joined by Catholic Labor Movement, Young Christian Workers, and Kolping Society. Characterizing both strike and lockout as lacking moral justification, the joint-statement warned such measures should be used only as last resort. Both labor and management were reminded of their failure to consider proposals made years earlier by the Catholic Labor Movement to pay increased wages partially by giving workers stock in companies for whom they worked.
Late in 1962, thirty-one Catholic and Protestant social scientists issued a joint statement, urging more widespread property distribution among workers, investment of workers' wages in property, and continued denationalization of state-owned firms.(16) A Central Committee, in tune with the German Bishops Social Committee,but not with explicit episcopal approval, and the Council of the Protestant Church aroused public interest. There were headline stories in publications about there support for various tax privileges for companies that help employees attain part ownership, either by paying some of their wages in shares or by an actual profit sharing program, as well as for denationalization of state-owned firms, with persons in lower income brackets having the first option to buy stock in new private corporations.
Early in 1964, Catholics praised a statement of the Council of Evangelical (Lutheran) Churches, as an indication that German Christians could join forces for social justice.(17) The statement of the council, which previously had maintained some reserve on the distribution of property and its social function, urged a wider distribution. Walter Kampe, Auxiliary Bishop of Limburg, writing in a Catholic weekly, Der Sonntag, said,
The Protestant statement leads to a mutual position of Christians on questions of private property and makes joint Catholic-Protestant action possible. For the mutual position we are grateful to the Protestant Church.
The council's statement followed a similar analysis of Germany's social ills given by prominent German Catholics at a meeting, in Freiburg, called by the Central Committee of German Catholics, in preparation for 79th German National Convention, held in August 1962. Earlier Protestant theologians tended to regard private property as a special gift from God, Creator and owner of all things, whereas Catholic theologians regarded it as a natural right of all humans. The council's statement outlined justice in property similarly to that of papal social teachings. There were three fundamental points in the council's statement. One, an order which favors accumulation of property in the hands of only a few and excluded others, is against justice. Two, owner's right to use of property is limited by the common good. Three, those with more property or higher income should contribute at a higher rate to a common welfare than those with less property or lower income.
There were many other points of agreement between the Protestants and Catholics. Both agreed the government gave Germany's postwar industries special tax privileges to enable them to rebuild. Both agreed German people spent freely because they lacked ordinary necessities of life in the immediate postwar period and because they lacked confidence in the stability of money. Such resulted in more profits for industry and less savings and investments among workers. Both focused on growth of state-owned property, stemming from wartime efforts political convictions.
The statement urged the state to give more effective support to the private savings efforts of workers, as well as more privileges to family and lower income workers. Trade unions were called to encourage investment of workers' wages in property.
The policy of widespread ownership of property is an important way to ensure existence of our democratic and liberal order and make it more attractive.
On May Day 1964 Julius Doepner, Cardinal Archbishop of Munich, addressed Catholic workers on political parties and trade unions.(18) He recalled a 1959 Social-Democratic party congress in Bad Godesberg adopting its first new "program of principles" in thirty-five years. There was a renunciation of its traditional Marxist approach, proclamation of a very pro-West foreign policy, and issuance of a pamphlet "proving" its program fully compatible with Catholicism. Unlike some Catholics who declared the Godesberg program fully in accord with the Catholic faith, Doepner said,
In the Godesberg program, the party of democratic socialism started to build the bridge across the abyss, which always has separated the church from socialism. . . . [The] span has grown to an extent which would have been considered impossible a few decades ago. It is not yet ready for use, . . . but as of now, the abyss has not been closed. . . . [Many] things in concrete political life, especially in cultural policy . . . cause serious objection and concern for Catholic Christians who judge political action in faith's light. The church will hold herself open to very good development... However, despite fundamental differences, Catholics will continue to cooperate sincerely with people holding other opinions on social, economic and political problems nd strive to understand them in their endeavors.
Doepner encouraged a critical attitude regarding the Christian Democratic party, also. Dismissing any "church party," the cardinal added,
If a party calls itself "Christian," it means it wants to put Christian principles into effect in as well as possible, in view of the contemporary situation. Church and Catholic citizen criticism of such parties is concretely possible in specific cases and questions and is being exercised presently.
Trade unions were cautioned to respect the freedom of individuals to join with others. Otherwise, unions "would assume a totalitarian character threatening to the state." As to one joining the small Catholic trade union organization or the secular German Federation of Unions (DGB), Doepner replied,
We know many Catholic workers are members of DGB unions and we can hope only that formulations of their programs and activity will evolve, so that Catholic Christians can perform such important union work therein with good conscience.
In early 1966 Franz Hengsbach, Bishop of Essen in heart of the Ruhr coal mining region called upon owners to insure the Ruhr Valley's growing number of unemployed miners were not faced with serious financial burdens as they sought other work.(19) In 1966, as many as 80,000 workers were affected as cheaper oil prices forced cutbacks in coal production in the region. Hengsbach was distressed owners made decisions in view of "production figures and money... not human life, the future of families and the dismissed workers." Thus, he urged layoffs be stretched over longer a period of time and insisted owners had the duty to provide for workers until they found another job.
Earlier, in 1960 the East German hierarchy issued a Lenten pastoral, "The Christian in an Atheistic Environment."(20) Difficult conscience and judgment problems faced Christians, due to increased pressure toward complete integration of dialectical materialism in personal and social life. Aware of the infidelity of some and the suffering of many, the bishops offered pastoral guidelines.
Some indirectly had advice for economic life. Aside taking comfort in the crucified, giving clear testimony to the church, rejecting the ideology, avoiding participation in socialistic rites, preventing any misuse of Christianity, strengthening family life, rendering others' their due, and trusting in God--there were a few mandates given about direct economic life. One, reject occupations implying abandonment of faith and/or pursuit of an un-Christian way of life. Two, sanctify your work.
Our age is a time of high-quality, constant work. . . . [Know] how work is pleasing and becomes a final goal of mankind, although it weighs upon men like a heavy, oppressive yoke. . . . For your work is a great thing, for it is the Creator's will you shape His world and develop its powers. . . . [Your] workdays are marked by the Lord's Day and your working hours live from the power of a prayerful and God-loving heart. . . .
To Christians, all work is in a way a service to one's neighbor, either as individuals or members of the community. You must work for your family and your children. . . . Christians know from their faith that work carries with it a social responsibility. . . .
You work as disciples of the crucified Lord. The drudgery of work, which can often be so oppressive, is rendered tolerable to the Christian by his contact with the crucified Lord, by his regular journey to the Altar of Sacrifice. Hence, Christians are always happy at the place of work and do all, even that which leaves them unsatisfied, as though it were a service of sacrifice for working companions.
On May Day 1961, Feast of St. Joseph the Worker, John C. Heenan, Archbishop of Liverpool preached in his Cathedral about the striking then waging on English docks.(21) Viewing a strike as dangerous weapon, Heenan categorized it as "a last resort." Concerned as well for the reputation of English docks as unreliable, due to chronic strikes, Heenan feared merchants of other nations might send goods elsewhere. Thus, "our countries would become a land of breadlines."
Late in 1961 William Godfrey, Archbishop of Westminster, sent copies of Mater et Magistra to every member of parliament and labor leaders.(22) Consequently, Britain's Liberal Party's monthly, New Outlook, praised the encyclical. In it, "Pope John not only demands industrial co-management and co-ownership but bluntly asserts that the initiative is unlikely to come from employers. The impetus must come from the artisans."
Early in 1965, John C. Heenan, new Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, first met with twenty-one shop steward and later spoke to 7,000 electrical workers in London's Woodwich district.(23) Noting that relations between Christian groups improved greatly since boyhood when there was stone-fighting between Protestants and Catholics, Heenan noted some indicators of change. He talked about the role of John XXIII, use of the vernacular in Roman Catholic liturgies, and conditions of Christianity in Russia.